The Sauk Centre Herald (Sauk Centre, Minnesota), 1867-07-11

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VOLUME I.
SAUK CENTRE, MINNESOTA, THURSDAY, JULY 11, 186T.
NUMBER 6.
-"■a
"
PUBLISHED   EVERT   THURSDAY  MORNING,
A.t   Sa-ilc Centre,   Minn.,
BY J. H. SIMONTON.
«S»- Office on Third street, one door east of
the " Farmer's and Traveler's Home;"
Subscription:
TWO DOLLARS A YEAR  IN ADVANCE.
Rates of Advertising:
ORATION.
|lw I 2w|3w  |3m |6m 1   ly
'I Square
)I00 | 12^J.15PI   3501   6 00 | 1000
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HLlffla 200]   250]   -00!  800|15 00
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\2W\ 275J  3 50 j" 5 50 1 10 00118 (W
^'eo-umif
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H        ""        ifSTO |1000U200]-000|40.00|7500
Legal aSvertisement_'7Seefe">s^ers<rua-e for
the flrst insertion, and 37A4,eenjt_i per square
for each subsequent insertion.
•Special place advertisements inserted at
rates a'greeo- Upon.
/A"2ear& advprtKers to*aj6Wiart_rly.
i"Strangers nfuist ps(y in advancej<Jif giYeSaft-:
isfactory reference.
JOB PRINTING
of all kinds executed on short notice in the
best style.
PROFESSIONAL CARDS.
N.
H. MINER,
Attorney and  Counselor at   Law,   Notary
Public and Conveyancer,
S$jauk Centre,        -        ~~        Minnesota,
Office over th? Post Officef i
D
R. B.R.'PALMER;
PHYSICIAN de SURGEON.
«3- Residence near-he Mill, Sauk Centre. "S»
ATTORNEY AT LAW,
.Saipf fterpiaine street, over Burbank Bros.
St. Cloud, Minnesota.
,CHa:s^.wa'lker,
-Attorney at xawl
'R. I». EBSOjNy
Attorn'iy at Law and
Notary Public
li-tlssoi- <& "Wjovllcei*,    .
REAL ESTATE AGENTS,
ititttee 'oyfer-Phitodelphrlft Store on Thiud street,
'' '.'SktflrCentfe", SteSrns^Oouaty, Minnesota.
',  Business Pr^eftty, Hijfises and Lots, Farms,
• Farittii%-]pafids,je-9.,.e^;„ nought and sold on
•<.'o 1111 u i sk ion.
•' __*_T_"NTION!
is called to the fact that dtit faeilities for making out Pre-emption papers and for locating
and entering Government Land with Cash;
Scrip or Land Warrants, are unsurpassed by
any office west of St. Cloud.   A la-ge-eessort-!
*St_nt ot"Town Plotsfer the use o* seekers Q*jj
iSalmsorThana and keg* constantly corrects
'tuny correspondence with the Land Qfficej"
We have in our hands for sale some or the
finest Farms  an I  Farmlrrg Lands- iii* thli.
upper count_y.
M iWNE^VblRDs.
A.ND OFFICE
t AGENCY.
REAL  ESTATE
N. 1.1.   Miner,
Lands sold on cornniissio_w - Farms *Q.pv
p»-sed of Prairie, Meadow and Timber Land(
Wv sale.
(Persons desiring to enter Land, with Cash
—"ficrip  or  Land Warrants,  can  do so at
' my office and avoid the time and
expense of a trip to St. Cloud.
■©ffi.ee over  the  Post Office,  Sauk - Centre)
Minnesota.
B
ILLIARD -SALOON,
%i| »E?$BOAT, PropJIejjbj|f
Third street, S/iuk. Centre, Minnesota.
Has first class Phelan & Collender Billard
Tables. , „.
Choice Wines, Liquors, Ale, Porter and Ci?
Jgars.
^JALOON AND BAKERY.
O. M. RENNOE, Proprietor.
Main  Street,  Sauk  Centre,   Minnesota, i
Bread, Cakesj-Pies, <fec, always on hand. Hot
Coffee and Meals at- all hours.   Good
.   *"_nes and Liquors and the best
brands of Cigars.
N.
H. MINER,
Insurance Agent,
,   Sauk Centre, - - Minnesota.
.Represents toe soundest and .most reliablt
FYM'KHwHad -Scoiaefit -_,*_Wu_c_ Companies of the Eastern and Western
States.   Office over the Post Office.
T^T   J. WHITEFIELD,
House «Si_ Sign Painter,
Graining, Gla_i_ig, Paper __aa_glng, Ac, done
with neatness and on reasonable-terms.
Work warranted equal in quality to that
agreed upon or no charges made. .Kg- Paint
Shop next door to Thomas A Co's.
Sauk Centre, Minn., June 5,1867..
JOHN CHRISTGAU,
Boot & Shoe Maker,
Main Street, Sauk Centre, Minn.,
A complete stock of Boots and Shoes kept
constantly on hand, and made to order on
short nptice.   Good gto warranted.
Repairing promptly  <fone,  at reasonable
prices.  Ail kinds of Shoemaker's Tools for
sale.
R.
P. EDSON
Is _^gent fofsound and reliable
FIRE,  LIFE,    ACCIDENTAL   LIFE  AND
LIVE STOCK INSURANE COMPANIES.
Sf'l?.,uS? J£?e.?u?¥ .'against, Death and
Theft,iathaHartfordLive Stock Insurance
Company—the soundest and only reliable
Live Stock Company on this continent.
E
DWARD DREBLOW,
Galbfeftet Malcer,
Deliyered at Sank Centre
July 4th, 1867.
BY REV, A. _H_. FOX.
Main street, Sauk Centre, Minnesota.
I?£??--1-PlSt%£'tty-)r_ 1J_,rld a -complete stock
3 of Jjurniture, Coffins, &c.
All orders will receive prompt attention.
^Friends and Fellow Citizens:
Ninety-one years ago this very day
the Anglo American colonies, acting
through their delegates to the Congress
at Philadelphia, formally renounced
their allegiance to the British Crown
and declared their independence.
There is one very interesting circumstance connected with that declaration
vW_i_h has just been read in your hearing, which I wish to notice. When
that-Decxara-ioh of -Independence was
adopted there was such a depth of
'principle required among thosa who
•signed it as to b_ -ready to seal their
.ailachihent with their blood. $ohn
'Hancock supposed that his conspicuous name might -make him distinguished among thoSe who 'might)
perish on the scaffold, and in full viewj
of such a possible result, they pledged
to each other their " lives, their fortunes, and thejir ^sacred honor." The
sentiments of all those men are well
known, and the language eloquently
attributed to one of them (John Adams)
will .express the feelings, of patriotism,
founded on .principle, which actuated
them : " I see, -I see clearly, through'
this day's business. You and I indeed'
may rue it. We may not live to the
time' when this declaration shall be
made good. We may die ; die colonists-; die slaves. Die, it mayTtfe, igho-1
miniously on the scaffold. Be it so.
Be it so. If it be the pleasure of Heaven that my country shall require the,
poor offering of my life, the victim shall
be ready at the appointed hour of sacrifice, come when that hour may. But
whatever may be our fate," be assured,
be , assured ttot -thj&-declaration will
S-arid. It may cost treasure, and it
may cost blood, but it will stand and|
will richly compensate us for both.
Through -the- i__iak_.gk>a_o, of. the present, *t ~_e the brightness of the future
.a^jthe sun in heaven. My judgment
approves of-this measure a«d my whole,
heart is in it. All that I ha??,-, and all;
that I am, and all that I hope in this
life, I am now ready here to stake on
it, and live or die;. survive 'i)r perish, I am
for the declaration." Such was the<
feeling and the principle which animated those men on tin occasion the most'
noble that the earth has ever witnessed ;,
and we, are assembled, fellow citizens,
to commemorate the anniversary of
that great day, and the utterance of
that momentous declaration. The
hand that penned its mighty sentences^ -
and the tongue which, with an eloquence that swept all before it, sustained it on the floor of Congress, ceased
from among the living at the end of
half a century, on the same day,»al_aos_
at'the same hour, forty-one years ago.
The last survivor of the signers closed
his venerable career six years later, and
of the generation sufficiently advanced,
in life to take part in public affairs on
the 4th of July, 1*17$, not one probably
survives to hail this ninety-first anni-!
sersary. They are gqne, but their work
-.Swnains. It has growhin interest with
the lapse of years, begitfhing already
to add to its intrinsic importance those
titles of respect which time confers on
great events and memorable eras, a_ it
hangs its ivy and plants its inosses on
the solid structures of the past, and we
have come together to bear our testimony to the Day, the Deed and the
Men. And, as if to consecrate this day
forever, some of the most important
events in our history, in the Providence
\oi. A-lmjghty. God, ifaye sign,ah_ed it.
Thus, as we have already remarked, on
the 50th anniversary of this, great national jubilee, died John Adams, aged
ninety-one years,' and Thomas Jefferson, aged eighty-three years—the two
most prominent signers of the Declaration of Independence. After they had
accomplished all the .great objects of
their lives, and crowned with honor
and glory, and with mature years, at
the very time that they had desired,
on the 4th of July, 1826, in the very
hour of public rejoicing, while their
own names were on all tongues, and
while the sound of a nation's joy—rushing from our cities, ringing from our
valleys and echoing from ourhil-ls-=-was
breaking on our ears, the freed spirits
of John Adams and Thomas Jeffersoji
took their flight together, and ascended
to the Cod who gave them.
It is no less remarkable, that one of
the most signal deliverances of -this
war shouM have occurred on the anniversary of our independence. I refer
to the battle of Gettysburg, fough. four
years ago to-day. That was the crisis
battle in that great conflict. The re-
be-Hon then received a blow from which
it never recovered. Our now martyred
President acknowledged the four first
days of that month the darkest, gloomiest period of his life. It may be profitable to consider for one moment the
relation of things as they tbea existed.
At Chancellorville, the Army of the
Po_tomag|130,000 strong, under Hooker,
was driven back, beaten, disgraced, demoralized by rage and shame, by the
rebel army 49,000 strong, under Leo.
Then Lee waited till 30,000 men or
more were added to his force, and 30,-
000 taken from   his   enemy and   he
marched    northward.      He   marcK-d
northward in utter contempt,  and almost total   disregard .of the General
whom he had beaten so easily, in g^n-
'eralship and on the field, when thair
relative strength was almost reversed—
'inarched   northward  when he fouad
that a drunken opponent, who ougit
instantly to   have   been   officially tb-
rhOved after the retreat across the Rappahannock, was left in command odf
the only force that  could oppose hj_
hattgh^j' 'rirogress.—marched northwarti.
arhundred and fifty miles, to worry.t_ffi
free States, to revel ih their June pastures, to show the world that the seat
of war was where a rebel pleased, an*
that it was the Union, artdf*trot'the re*
bellion that was trembling for  its l_fe.
Did   Washington   tremble ?     It.  had
never done anything else whe*& xiSi has.
turned his field glass toward the" horizon beneath   which it lay.   But thjs
time it had  some reason   to tremble.
Only the   Sunday  before   2,000 reb*
cavalry w§i e hovering about it, and had
they been a little more .daring, or a
i-itile   more    accidentally    successful,
would have camped in the grounds of
the White House and the Capitol.  But
Lee had other Work to be done first
Did he mean to take Washington, of
©altimore, or Philadelphia ? He meant:
to take any and everything he could if
we permitted it.   Why 'not ?   The rebels were in earnest; they meant to establish their confederacy and they went
to their work like men.   Of course he
would take Washington, if he could,
dictate peace on his own terms at the
Capitol, send Mr. Lincoln and Mr. S_w"-
ard, and anybody else he thought worth
the trouble, to Fort Lafayette, and caU
in the house cleaners and whitewashed
to make ready the White  House for
Mrs/ Davis.   Of course Baltimore, Phil/
adelphia, New York are worth taking
if they could he had.   And why should
not all this be done?   The Army or
the Potomac waa ih the way, but then
its commander .was a man who haij
pitifully thrown away his title to confidence^   Lee indeed had to be caw
tious, for that army was composed of
ninety thousand freemen whom even a
Hooker's wine glass could not bewitch
from fighting when their northern soil
was under the feet of the invader. But.
confident in his own resources, bold in"
a bad cause, haughty in  his contempt
for his opponent-, fearful of a brave army which he had always beaten under
generals never fit to lead it, Lee marched northward, meaning once m'ore to
brush that aside, which had never hindered him, and  go   on   his triumphal
way to the establishment of the slave
power.    And how   did   the North receive him ?    For the most part in despair.    Let us  not  disguise   this fact.
Pennsylvania is not all copperheads; as;
her subsequent elections fully, attest-;;
there are :many thousand loyal men
witliiin'.h.-* bonders.    In what spirit did
they meet the invasion ?   The apathy'
which we know pervaded her1 people,
was not,  could not, all be disloyalty.
What was it ?   They said:   " Let him
corflte.   We have given to the government our sons, our fortunes, our faith
and our labors—enough to have saved
us over and  over again-   Let us see
whethej! an invasion will so change the-
situation that it is worth while to continue the struggle, except under new
auspices and in new relations."   There;
is no   other  way to   account for thes
apathy with which  Lee's approach was
greeted; and if it be true, consider its
moment.   If it be true, the victory at
Gettyshurg was hot  merely a  battle'
gained, but a cause saved—the cause of
free government, free men, eivijization,
the  Christianity of  this   country—all
that we were struggling for-^sa'ted at
last on that day, from   such   a   loss as
would compel us- to do the work over
again—the hardest thing man ever has
to do.   And  on   how  small   an issue
seemingly (did such great events depend.   The general who ought to have
been relieved two months before,'a_id.
whose successor \y_uld never have -per-;
mitted Lee to make that march of a
hundred   ajid  fifty   miles   down   the
Shenandoah -Valley, was -taken away
from the head of Ms troeps- atipreeise-
ly the moment when ■ &uch a step was
most critical and might  prove most
dangerous.   Was it human wisdom or
an overruling Providence that for'eor-i
dained and foresaw ?  Lee had ventured
where his line of retreat to the mountains could not  be easily regained if
disaster overtook him, but he trusted,
in an over-drinker of wine.   But suddenly it was Meade, and not Hooker,
who was at the head of the army and
who inspired the brave soldiers with
his own energy and will.   Courage they
had enough of, and have never shown
the want of it.   But mere hard fighting
without a head to direct never wins
campaigns.   The army of the Potomac
at last, by official accident, had got a
head.   The rash rebel is caught where
his over confidence   in   the cdunsels
that have governed the war oh our side
had literally betrayed him; the manlit-
ness> the higher courage, the greater
endurance, the  better   cause of   the
North are asserted and made manifest
over the lower caste of men that Southern slaveholding breeds.   The merely
material results of this eyent were of
immense importanceiid their relations
to the South.   But their moral influences upon the North were immensely
more important.   Despair of the successful prosecution of  the  war from
that: moment  was over-.    From that
moment we never despaired of the Republic,- except  when    contemplating
the possibility that McClellan might be
elected President;   and   in  that one
steiggle the Noy.tii .learned more of its
own strength, of its better character, of
its better men, of the certainty of success if it chooses, and of the measures
necessary to that success than in all
the events that  have   gone before it.':
And while   all, this was  being done,
Grant and Sherman, with  the grand
army of the -Northwest; storme"d the
battlements of Vicksburg, planted our
flag upon the heights  where  the rebel
flag had floated; and amid rejoicings
Lwild and-loud, marched a procession
through the principal • streets of  the
rebel stronghold  to  the  glorious tune
of Yankee Doodle,    Thus,. on  the 4th
hf Jiily, 1863, the'fate of the Arhry _f
the East and of the Army of the West,
and of the war itself was decided.   The
clouds broke from our political horoscope, and to-day we meet to celebrate'
the 4th of July, 17T6-, which established,
and the 4th of July, 1863, whie_.*pre-
served to us and perpetuated our independence, power and glory as a people.
We celebrate the 4th of July, 1776,
because then commenced the great experiment whether man is capable of
'self-government.    I  believe   that we
have the best constitution and the best
mode of government in the world, and'
that it is the most "wicked of ate acts
that man can do at home, and the most
wicked'_f 8_1 'things that nations can
countenance-abroad, to attempt to destroy that   constitution   ahd   to overthrow that government   We have the
whole principle'(^.tha^governrnent.ja
the idea that ate.,,jj_>wer oiagih_H)_- from
the will of the people; that eacfcrferiSf-
zen shall have His equal share' in the
burdens-and the priveleges of the government ; that, however men may dif-
rer from eacli, other ih any of the elements of hunlan character, ihey are all
BqUal before the  laws;' that, so far as
Civil rights are concerned, each man is
nat^superior   or inferior  to any other
man, and is equally bound with every
other man to exercise bis powers, his
vigilante, designing wisdom and efficiency, in the eternal duty of guiding,
preserving and  protecting the state,
and that i-h all eases the will of the n_a-
jority, and not of any favored few, but
ofallthe people,  shs^ll be the law of
the land.   Now   it  is   this individual
and universal equality which is to save,
not destroy, ouf1'Country.   Some good
men have feared that the approach to
universal suffrage might destroy  the
nation; whereas it is the safety, of .the
nation ; It is the great elevator of $ti&
niasses, it moulds' the character of the
citizens,.produces a superior: nationality, and has exhibjuted. itself in sublime
Jesuits, upon the. fntefiigence, physical
prosperity,-and glory of the AirieTlcari
pfeopJe.   It leads■■■__> -the education of
the masses' by giving to every man the
right to vote, and opening the avenues -
of office to the highest and lowest alike.
Every boy imbibes the genius of ouf
frejfe-nstHutiO-is.   Thus the poorfriend-
less rail:0plitter; t rises   to  the highest
pinnacle* of human power and greatness.   The poor tailor boy becomes ah'fl
now is our President; the ferry boy
the chief justice of the supreme court;
ahS the-hnmble tanner boy the great
commander who marshals a million of
veteran warriors in  _he great cause of
universal  liberty, and   holds   out the'
flaming symbol of emancipation to a
whole   race of mankind.   It elevates
labor and   assigns  to   it   the  nobility
which God gave it, and holds out to it
the highest stimulus, honors and emoluments.   I have not the time to trace
th«0^°hderful   contrasts between the
re^pedtability of labor in xthis country
and in those countries of Europe, and
in the slave   States of  our   own Bind,
where proud and pampered aristoemts
looked down upon the vocation of labor as a menial one, and despised the
sun burned brow and soiled hands of
"small fisted   farniers,"   and  "greasy
mechanics."   Suffice it to say, that in
all our free Northern  States,   labor,
whether of the head   or   the hands, is
hohorable; and .that  our  health and"
prosperity spring from-the strong right:
arms of our farmers   and  mechanics,
and the moral and intellectual advancement of   our  cause; and 1while I can
highly esteem   the  glories which  my
country has achieved in necessary afra
self-defensive  war,   and  regard   with
pride the battle fields which have shed
such imperishable lustre' upon Ameri-'
can prowess, yet I trust that the future
glories of the country shall be those of
peace, of free labor, of  commerce, of
agriculture, of  the arts, of  religion;
when our heroes shall be those of  in-
dustey j-when upon our prairies lahor,
in every county,   shall   have  her fairs
and festive days,  and  the   wild wood
shall ring with her notes of lofty cheer;
and when   in processions, in fraternal
companionship -with    the-   stars  and
Stripes-, another banner shall be borne,
and on that other banner be inscribed
two golden   words,   " Liberty and Free
Labor."
Slavery was always dependent, short
witted, too insolent to labor; she never
,learned the use of a.tool, and hung upon keen-witted, hard-toiling Plymouth
Rock for every product of skilled labor;
A frank Carolinian made the better
confession: " In infancy we are swaddled in Northern muslin, and humored
with Northern toys; in youth we are
instructed out of Northern school
books ; in the deoline of life we remedy our eyesight with Northern spectacles, and support our infirmities .with
Northern canes. When we die our in-
animated' bodies shrouded in Northern-
cambric, are borne to the grave in a
Northern carriage, entombed with a
Nsirthern spade, and memorized with a
jSorthern slab." He might have added
5iat'Northern magnanimity^ would-yet
plant over the g_ave of this ungodly
rebellion one of its own purest marbles,
and inscribe thereon, "Died.by the
visitation of God and the blows of
Christian democracy." »
The present period of our nafciftnal
history is marked by suah gjj-jvfc events,
by such antagonisms of opinion' ia.high
-p.a_tes, and by such prominence of individual men,   that we are more than
ever liable to forget the I eal source of
the  national life and   power,   and to
judge shallowly and mistakenly of its
development and phenbmenen. We say,
that if this or   that   policy   should be
pursued, if this or that man succeed, if
this or that :party prevail, if that measure is carried, then shall we have unity;
peace and prosperity, or the  opposite
of those; whereas   these are  not   dependent upon any man, or measure, or
party or policy.   They must come and
come to stay as the product of permanent forces, starting into the material
heart, as the product of an inspiring,
moving, governing, conservative-power,
whose fountain head is among those affections which are highest and nearest
heaven.   Ambitious men, and interested selfish parties, and brute force, may
for a time-pervert' the legitiiha-te uses
of this power» but it is certain, if it save
itself from perversion,  to overcome all
these, and carry its quality into every
act. and  event that   goes to make up
national history.
Our government is peculiar and complete. Its two great characterizing features are sovereignty of individual
States and the sovereignty of the nation over those States-—the ittdepend-
ence' of local' interest, and the nationality of Jbhem all, confederated under one
governments This government, when
we look at it in comparison with any
other government ;i<3»-' the face of the
earth, and judge it by the things it has
been called to do and to suffer, affords
us occasion for- admiration and gratitude- No other nation has «ver ad-;
vanced so rapidly, 'or 'deVe'ltffied such
resources in the same period of time.
N6t Egypt, not Assyria, not Babylon,
not Persia under Cyrus and his succes-
ors, not Greece,' not Rome, not Germany, Gaul, 'or _iritaih: ■ Britain—it Hfras
lonj» and slow from the time of the
Druids, from the time of Alfred, from
'the time of William the Red-haired,
before the resources of the little Island
were in any measuse developed—more
thaii a thousand years -from the time of
Alfred, i And if you ask me why is
this 1 let me turn upon you a Yankee
trick, and ask, where have you ever
found a government that was made up
so completely as this has been -. of the
people themselves ?
In that great pine tree that stands on
the top. of the mountain; that defies
the seasons; that sings its harsh and
wie.d melody through all the blasts of
winter and the storms of summer,.and
that the year round holds out its
branches undepopulated and evergreen—in that'tree there is not one single fibre, from the. root to the highest
twig, that does not go to make' up the
tree, and that does not minister to its
strength, by which -it resists the tempests of' wiate-" and the hurricanes of
summer. And bed. in this government
there is not one single man that is not
a fibre that makes it stiff in trunk and
strong in every branch. And ifc- is the
vital connection. between the
whole -people as represented in thej
states and in the nation, that gives to
this government a power such as no
other nation ever possessed. There
are some, I suppose, who are honest in
the belief that the nation is to be saved
by party polities. W$ judge thus by
the resolutions passed at their conventions ana the tenor of their speeches
ahd newspapem We hear not unfre-
quently of assemblies of 'leading politicians in Washington or New York
which seem to be devoted to the business of saving the nation—in this way..
One would imagine from the airs they
put on, that the. life of the nation was
in tlieir hands, or that it had no life
independent"; of party politics. We
have a great crisi?, as you know, on the
occasion of every national election, on
which the national- salvation is understood to depend on the triumph of—all
parties. First and last all parties have
succeeded, and first and last all partiej
have been defeated, and still the nation lives; and it has manifested more
genuine vitality, with- a third of 'its
subjects ih rebellion, than; it ever did
while all were united. The idea of
putting a living, intelligent, powerful
nation into the keeping, into the conservative embrace^ of: a, few. lean party
men,- the majority of whom are working for power or -pay, is .just as ridiculous as Bhe thought'of a great army—
whose strength is- in itself-aif it is anywhere—consenting to be led by a band
of ep,mp followers and suttfers who had
volunteered to save it from destruction.
No nation ever conserved its life by
gr through a policy. A policy ■ may
modify the issues of national life sdme-
what, and have a reactionary, effect upon the life itself, but a mere policy has
rib life in it to bestow upon anything.
Most nations live, indeed most have
lived, in spite of the policy imposed
upon, and when they died they died,
not as the result of 'policy, but of corruption and rottenness among the people. The nation carries its salvation
in its own strong heart,.and not in the
pocket of any party,
i That /which gives me most apprehension for the future of my country, is the
fact that the management of its affairs
are in the hands of designing politicians, and are likely to be. Theoretically, we are .a self governing nation ;
practically, we are governed by designing politicians. I suppose if I were to
give utterance to my wishes and my aspirations touching the future of my
country, I should be called Utopian.
But that which is possible, and that
which is desirable on every christian
and pateiotic consideration, is not
Utopian, and I should be forever ashamed of being scased by ttie taunt. This
country is.te be saved to freedom and
happines and justice, if saved at all, by
the Christian patriotism' of its people,'
and by the Institution  in the place at
party machinery managed by unprincipled men, bf some system of popular
patriotism that shall place good men in
power-^-and bad men rft prison, where
they belongi' it feeasy for tirese politicians to sne-f^-easy to s_y';that this
is all impraeticable-sthat tB_ ipebple
cannot  possibly   prevent-them from
pulling .the w_re~---and that, moreover,
they will continue to "use the'-pcioplc for
their own selfish ends,  and use them
with their .consent.   I say it is not impracticable, because  it is in the line of
-christian and patriotic duty, and is not
impossible.    I   say   that   this   change
must be made, or we must, as a nation,
be forever going through finamcdal. rey-
olutions, social convulsions, destructive
wars, and all that terrible catalogue of
national calamities! i which attend the
management  of a  nation  for. se_fis£
Cruls.    The christian and patriotic men
of this nation- must rise under Christian
• and patriotic leaders, whom they shall
choos_,: and depose the hi f'ernal creW
of political buzzards,  or we must, as a
nation-,   drift along in a state of constant social   warfare, It_ .aria kt last in
anarchy.
The present century has witnessed
a steady decline in the character of our
public men. Where shining ability
and high-minded patriotism were .once
♦be rale, they have cbfhe to be 'tlkte'ff-
ception. To the iJeffersotts, the Adamses and the Clays, has succeeded a
race of jobbers and hack politicians.
Such are the results of this deplorable
system of quadrenial rotation in office,
This has" made us, with all our prosper-
ity( 'otir __Sp_d growth, .pnd, extended
commerce, a i byword and w_u~$eT&j-g
among the nations. Since the throne
of the worjd was sold at auction to the
highest bidder, there has been nothing
in its way so base as American politics,
So diirfidralizing, so disorganizing, is the .
tendency of this systc^rY, that even the
rupture of the Uhio-f,"__i the prospect
of which we naVe been so distressed)
could bring us nothing worse than our
chosen and established methods werfc
all these years preparing for us. A0
this, rirnst ..be.Tefprmed, or we slide to
inevitable ruin, from which our ample
territory ' and vast material resources
-alone have saved us.
Venturing here rio- further into an
attractive field of public truth, let me
turn your attention to another subject
which has been before, the public mind.
I refer to, our relations with other na;
tions. We have desired sincerely W>
be at peace with all the nations of
the old world. We have been disposed
to make equal and just treaties with
them in regard to commerce. We have •
sought to take no improper advantage
of them. We have been willing to visit
with them every distant sea, and every
distant part, and to share with them in
the fair avails of commerce. We have
impressed hone of their seamen into
our service. We have made no wars on
their peaceful pursuits. We haVe never intermeddled with their affairs, but
have aimed to stand) hot bnerely professedly, but really aloof from all the
conflicts they have waged among themselves : to maintain not a hollow arid
hypocritical, but a real neutrality in
regard to the wars, right or wrong, in
which they have been engaged. In aij
these respects we look with special
pleasure and approbation on our trea^- .
ment of the land of our fathers. England has been dear to us. There are
the graves of the ancesters of our Cajf-
vers, our Brewsters, our Hancocks, and.
of our Adamses—of our Henrys and our
Pinckneys—of Washington. Its language is ours; its religion is ours; its
history is ours. We delight to think:
that "Milton and Shakespeare, and Newton, "and Bacon, are more theirs than
ours. We visit that, land with emotions such as we can have towards no
other land—save Palestine; and in
Westminister .Abbey we sit dowrrahot
weep, for there we " ^ure surrounded T>y
tn« monuments, and tread on the
graves, of the illustrious dead whose
names and works have been familiar to
:Us from our cradles. We have Ebt
been unwilling to bear much from
England,, and to forget all the past
when we could show to her^respect and.
affection. And we stood a great deal
from her. At her demand we surrendered Mason and Slidell—the greatest
national degradation, in my judgment,
to which this nation ever submitted
from any foreign power. Her govern- '
ing classes have sympathized and feasted the rebels they have found jab London. They have built, armed, eiquipjii-d
and manned British cruisers to prey
upon our commerce,, They have all *
the time prayed for and predietedo\Sr
defeat, and in our darkest hours ffiavfe
given encouragement to the enemy ;
and we have uncomplainingly submitted to all these things; but. I would
like to inquire just now into a littl_
matter between them and the South,
and with this let all past difficulties be
forgotten. I refer to the fact that
John Bidl made an ass of h_ms_-f When
he decided to lend money to Je-f Davis; the repudiator. Joh_i had shown
his long ears since he began with sanctimonious air to talk. nQn-ihterventioft;
John brayed very loudly and joyfully,'
too, over the proposition from the rebels to borrow a few millions from. him
on those confederate promises. JohA
was told that they were amply secured
by cotton stored $way in sheds or warehouses three hundred feet from any
other buildings—in Georgia," Alabama-
Mississippi, Louisiana .and" Texas. Joh»
believed all these lies implicitly. I»
this John ^show-ed himself to be th<=
pure blooded animal above named-
John, like Q$-er IfolkS) visually takes
th'e security in hand when he parts
with his-money. In this John is wfee,
John, like other.folks,.'also' thinks that
there should be exceptions to all gener-
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